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Protestors in cities across the US including Washington DC and Chicago spread the Occupy Wall Street movement during the weekend of October 15-16, while similar demonstrations, inspired ultimately by the Arab Spring, went on in Europe. Despite the differences among countries, all of the protests express a widespread feeling of public anger against excessive concentrations of wealth and unresponsive political elites that are viewed as the agents of financial and corporate interests.





Ignored at first by the US media, the Occupy Wall Street protest and its imitations in other cities has drawn increasingly favorable attention from centrist and liberal commentators. Many Democrats hope that the still-inchoate movement could function as a “Tea Party of the left,” providing some grassroots credibility to a progressive movement that is long on donors and thinktanks issuing position papers but short on activist muscle, given the decline of the trade unions who once provided middle-class liberals with working-class allies. “The seed of the martyrs is the blood of the church,” as Tertullian observed, and upper-middle-class Americans have been outraged by instances of police brutality against protestors, who are disproportionately made up of young college-educated Americans radicalised by the lack of opportunities in the collapsed economy. Among Americans in their twenties the official employment rate, which leaves out many unemployed and underemployed, stands at 15 per cent.





Whether the Occupy Wall Street movement survives the winter remains to be seen. Reports from Europe about violent “black bloc” anarchists infiltrating demonstrations are cause for concern. The American public turned against the left-wing counterculture in the late Sixties as it became identified with militants like the Weather Underground and the Black Panthers, and the American public’s broad if shallow support for criticism of Wall Street plutocrats could vanish if windows began to be broken.





To date, however, the movement has helped progressives and hurt conservatives in several ways. To begin with, it has discredited the claim of Tea Party conservatives to be genuine populists, rather than simply extreme partisans mobilised by career Republican operatives. While Occupy Wall Street protestors hold up signs saying “We are the 99 per cent,” the candidates favoured by the Tea Party right are pushing policies that would make the top one per cent even richer. For example, Republican presidential candidate Herman Cain has put forth a “9-9-9” tax plan which would drastically raise regressive consumption taxes on most Americans, while slashing taxes even further on America’s grossly undertaxed rich.





Although tax experts have savaged the plan, Cain has risen in polls of Republican primary voters. The African-American businessman owes his new popularity in part to the savvy marketing he learned at the helms of Burger King and Godfather’s Pizza. But mainly he has benefited from the fall of Rick Perry, the Texas Governor who was seen as the right’s alternative to former Massachusetts Governor Mitt Romney until in a debate he accused conservatives who opposed favorable policies toward illegal immigrant students in Texas state colleges of being heartless. Perry, who has recently raised more money than Romney, may recover from his stumble. Romney may yet be the nominee, if right-wing candidates split the conservative vote in the primaries or if the Republican right values electability more than ideological purity.





The ideological terrain has now shifted, however. Because the political centre is relative, the dramatic left-wing street protests have shifted the centre to the left while enlarging the left-right spectrum. This allows Obama to appear more convincingly in the role he prefers, as a centrist, even as he promotes a solidly centre-left jobs plan which, though it has already died in Congress, is intended to make Republicans seem indifferent to the unemployed. For that, the president has reason to thank the demonstrators against Wall Street, even as he and his surrogates rake in a fortune to fund his re-election campaign from Wall Street donors.